A synthesis of evidence for policy from behavioural science during COVID-19
Metadatos:
Mostrar el registro completo del ítemAutor/es:
Ruggeri, Kai
Stock, Friederike
Haslam, S. Alexander
Capraro, Valerio
Boggio, Paulo
Ellemers, Naomi
Cichocka, Aleksandra
Douglas, Karen M.
Rand, David G.
van der Linden, Sander
Cikara, Mina
Finkel, Eli J.
Druckman, James N.
Wohl, Michael J.A.
Petty, Richard E.
Tucker, Joshua A.
Shariff, Azim
Gelfand, Michele
Packer, Dominic
Jetten, Jolanda
Van Lange, Paul A. M.
Pennycook, Gordon
Peters, Ellen
Baicker, Katherine
Crum, Alia
Weeden, Kim A.
Napper, Lucy
Tabri, Nassim
Zaki, Jamil
Skitka, Linda
Kitayama, Shinobu
Mobbs, Dean
Sunstein, Cass R.
Ashcroft-Jones, Sarah
Todsen, Anna Louise
Hajian, Ali
Verra, Sanne
Buehler, Vanessa
Friedemann, Maja
Hecht, Marlene
Mobarak, Rayyan S.
Karakasheva, Ralitsa
Tünte, Markus R.
Yeung, Siu Kit
Rosenbaum, R. Shayna
Lep, Žan
Yamada, Yuki
Hudson, Sa-kiera Tiarra Jolynn
Macchia, Lucía
Soboleva, Irina
Dimant, Eugen
Geiger, Sandra J.
Jarke, Hannes
Wingen, Tobias
Berkessel, Jana B.
Mareva, Silvana
McGill, Lucy
Papa, Francesca
Većkalov, Bojana
Afif, Zeina
Buabang, Eike K.
Landman, Marna
Tavera, Felice
Andrews, Jack L.
Bursalıoğlu, Aslı
Zupan, Zorana
Wagner, Lisa
Navajas, Joaquín
Vranka, Marek
Kasdan, David
Chen, Patricia
Hudson, Kathleen R.
Novak, Lindsay M.
Teas, Paul
Rachev, Nikolay R.
Galizzi, Matteo M.
Milkman, Katherine L.
Petrović, Marija
Van Bavel, Jay J.
Willer, Robb
Fecha:
2023Resumen
Scientific evidence regularly guides policy decisions1, with behavioural science increasingly part of this process2. In April 2020, an influential paper3 proposed 19 policy recommendations (‘claims’) detailing how evidence from behavioural science could contribute to efforts to reduce impacts and end the COVID-19 pandemic. Here we assess 747 pandemic-related research articles that empirically investigated those claims. We report the scale of evidence and whether evidence supports them to indicate applicability for policymaking. Two independent teams, involving 72 reviewers, found evidence for 18 of 19 claims, with both teams finding evidence supporting 16 (89%) of those 18 claims. The strongest evidence supported claims that anticipated culture, polarization and misinformation would be associated with policy effectiveness. Claims suggesting trusted leaders and positive social norms increased adherence to behavioural interventions also had strong empirical support, as did appealing to social consensus or bipartisan agreement. Targeted language in messaging yielded mixed effects and there were no effects for highlighting individual benefits or protecting others. No available evidence existed to assess any distinct differences in effects between using the terms ‘physical distancing’ and ‘social distancing’. Analysis of 463 papers containing data showed generally large samples; 418 involved human participants with a mean of 16,848 (median of 1,699). That statistical power underscored improved suitability of behavioural science research for informing policy decisions. Furthermore, by implementing a standardized approach to evidence selection and synthesis, we amplify broader implications for advancing scientific evidence in policy formulation and prioritization.