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dc.rights.licensehttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.5/ar/es_AR
dc.contributor.authorFumagalli, Elenaes_AR
dc.contributor.authorKrick, Candelaria Belénes_AR
dc.contributor.authorDolmatzian, Marina Belénes_AR
dc.contributor.authordel Negro, Julieta Edithes_AR
dc.contributor.authorNavajas, Joaquines_AR
dc.date.accessioned2023-09-20T10:50:07Z
dc.date.available2023-09-20T10:50:07Z
dc.date.issued2023
dc.identifier.urihttps://repositorio.utdt.edu/handle/20.500.13098/12034
dc.identifier.urihttps://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-02067-1
dc.description.abstractThe COVID-19 pandemic underscored the significance of overcoming vaccine adoption resistance and addressing real and perceived barriers for efficient vaccination campaigns. One major problem faced by health systems around the world was that people’s preferences for a specific brand of vaccine often delayed vaccination efforts as people canceled or delayed appointments to receive their preferred brand. Therefore, in the event of another pandemic, it is important to know which factors influence preferences for specific vaccine brands. Previous literature showed that consumers choose products that are congruent with their self-concept, which includes their political affiliation. Given that the discourse around vaccine brands has been strongly politicized during the pandemic, in our work, we test whether partisanship influences preferences for COVID-19 vaccine brands. To test this, we collected survey data from Argentina (N = 432), a country with a clear bi-partisan structure and where a variety of vaccine brands were administered, both from Western and Eastern laboratories. We found that supporters of the ruling party, which had strong ties with Eastern countries such as Russia and China, perceived Eastern vaccine brands (e.g., Sputnik V) to be more effective and safer than Western ones (e.g., Pfizer) whereas the contrary was true for supporters of the opposition. Our results also showed that supporters of the opposing party were more likely to wish to hypothetically switch vaccines, to delay their appointment in case of not receiving their preferred brand, and to disapprove of their local vaccination campaign. Our results demonstrate that political party affiliation biases perceptions of both vaccine brands’ quality and vaccination campaign effectiveness. We anticipate that our results can inform public policy strategies when it comes to an efficient vaccine supply allocation, as political affiliation is a measurable and predictable consumer trait.es_AR
dc.description.sponsorshipEste artículo se encuentra publicado en Humanities and Social Sciences Communications | (2023) 10:579
dc.format.extent10 p.es_AR
dc.format.mediumapplication/pdfes_AR
dc.languageenges_AR
dc.publisherHumanities and Social Sciences Communications (Humanit Soc Sci Commun) ISSN 2662-9992 (online)es_AR
dc.relation.ispartofHumanit Soc Sci Commun 10, 579 (2023).en
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesses_AR
dc.subjectHealth Systemes_AR
dc.subjectVaccine adoptiones_AR
dc.subjectResistance to vaccine adoptiones_AR
dc.subjectReal and perceived barrierses_AR
dc.subjectVaccination campaignes_AR
dc.titlePartisanship predicts COVID-19 vaccine brand preference: the case of Argentinaes_AR
dc.typeinfo:eu-repo/semantics/articlees_AR
dc.type.versioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersiones_AR


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